1776年颁布的《独立宣言》，以" 天赋人权" 和" 社会契约" 为基本点，其中最著名的一句话是：" 我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物主赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生存权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.
谁有《独立宣言》英文版
The Unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen United States of America . When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature\''s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. -- Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his assent to laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual,uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers,incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.
He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.
He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies without the consent of our legislature.
He has affected to render the military independent of and superior to civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states:
For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing taxes on us without our consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury:
For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offenses:
For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule in these colonies:
For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments:
For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection and waging war against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages,and totaly unworth the head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow citizens taken captive on the high seas to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare, is undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms: our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British brethren.
We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.
We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends.
We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as free and independent states, they have full power to levey war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor.
独立宣言的精彩语句
我们认为下面这些真理是不言而喻的：造物者创造了平等的个人，并赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。
美国《独立宣言》原文及翻译
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the earth.
the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
在有关人类事务的发展过程中，当一个民族必须解除其和另一个民族之间的政治联系，并在世界各国之间依照自然法则和自然之造物主的意旨，接受独立和平等的地位时，出于人类舆论的尊重，必须把他们不得不独立的原因予以宣布。
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.
我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物者赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。
That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
为了保障这些权利，人类才在他们之间建立政府，而政府之正当权力，是经被治理者的同意而产生的。
That whenever any form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience has shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.
But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.
当任何形式的政府对这些目标具破坏作用时，人民便有权力改变或废除它，以建立一个新的政府；其赖以奠基的原则，其组织权力的方式，务使人民认为唯有这样才最可能获得他们的安全和幸福。为了慎重起见，成立多年的政府，是不应当由于轻微和短暂的原因而予以变更的。
过去的一切经验也都说明，任何苦难，只要是尚能忍受，人类都宁愿容忍，而无意为了本身的权益便废除他们久已习惯了的政府。但是，当追逐同一目标的一连串滥用职权和强取豪夺发生，证明政府企图把人民置于专制统治之下时，那么人民就有权利，也有义务推翻这个政府，并为他们未来的安全建立新的保障。
Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government.
The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
这就是这些殖民地过去逆来顺受的情况，也是它们不得不改变政府制度的原因。大不列颠国在位国王的历史，是接连不断的伤天害理和强取豪夺的历史，这些暴行的唯一目标，就是想在这些州建立专制的暴政。为了证明所言属实，现把下列事实向公正的世界宣布－－
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
他拒绝批准对公众利益最有益、最必要的法律。
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
他禁止他的总督们批准迫切而极为必要的法律，要不就把这些法律搁置起来暂不生效，等待他的同意；而一旦这些法律被搁置起来，他对它们就完全置之不理。
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
他拒绝批准便利广大地区人民的其它法律，除非那些人民情愿放弃自己在立法机关中的代表权；但这种权利对他们有无法估量的价值，而且只有暴君才畏惧这种权利。
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
他把各州立法团体召集到异乎寻常的、极为不便的、远离它们档案库的地方去开会，唯一的目的是使他们疲于奔命，不得不顺从他的意旨。
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
他一再解散各州的议会，因为它们以无畏的坚毅态度反对他侵犯人民的权利。
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise;
the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
他在解散各州议会之后，又长期拒绝另选新议会；但立法权是无法取消的，因此这项权力仍由一般人民来行使。其实各州仍然处于危险的境地，既有外来侵略之患，又有发生内乱之忧。
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands .
他竭力抑制我们各州增加人口；为此目的，他阻挠外国人入籍法的通过，拒绝批准其它鼓励外国人移居各州的法律，并提高分配新土地的条件。
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
他拒绝批准建立司法权力的法律，藉以阻挠司法工作的推行。
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
他把法官的任期、薪金数额和支付，完全置于他个人意志的支配之下。
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance.
他建立新官署，派遣大批官员，骚扰我们人民，并耗尽人民必要的生活物质。
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
他在和平时期，未经我们的立法机关同意，就在我们中间维持常备军。
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
他力图使军队独立于民政之外，并凌驾于民政之上。
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
他同某些人勾结起来把我们置于一种不适合我们的体制且不为我们的法律所承认的管辖之下；他还批准那些人炮制的各种伪法案来达到以下目的：
扩展资料：
历史影响
美国的独立宣言受1581年荷兰共和国宣告独立之影响，吁求誓绝（Oath of Abjuration）。苏格兰王国于1320年的阿布罗斯宣誓（Declaration of Arbroath）作为史上第一次的独立宣言，毫无疑问也具有影响力。杰斐逊个人曾制作维吉尼亚人权宣言，于1776年见采。
哲理影响
独立宣言受美国共和主义精神所影响，即以之为自由权之基本架构。另外，宣言中也反映启蒙时期的哲学，包含自然律、自决、与自然神论等观点。
宣言中的理想，甚至其中一些片断，直接引用英国哲学家约翰·洛克之著作，尤其是其以“文明政府之真实起源、范畴、与终结之各项专论”为题之政府二论（Second Treatise on Government）。于其论文中，洛克拥护由受统治者成立政府之信念。洛克写道，人类拥有天赋人权。
其他独立宣言所受到的影响包括阿尔杰农·西德尼之演讲与著作天助自助者（Wawrzyniec Grzymala Goslicki），以及托马斯·潘恩。据杰斐逊之理念，独立之目的为“非为寻找前此未有之新原则，或新论述……而是置事物之常理于世人眼前，以简洁之语句搏取赞同，并使之以我等受迫之立场自我判断。”
实际影响
若干史家相信独立宣言曾用以作为宣传工具，即美国人尝试为其叛英行为立说，以说服不愿起事之殖民地加入，并对可能施以援手之外国建立正当性。独立宣言亦曾用以结合大陆议会之成员。
大多数的签署人都明白，自己签的是与革命事业成功与否息息相关的生死状，而本宣言缩短革命与成功之距离。（或如本杰明·富兰克林所挖苦的：“我等而今务须生死与共，否则定遭个别处决。”（"We must all now hang together, or we will all surely hang separately."）
独立宣言包含多名开国元勋之基本理念，其中若干日后获编入美国宪法中。1848年赛尼卡福尔斯会议的《感伤宣言》以此为本。日后越南与罗得西亚等国之独立宣言亦本诸于此。在美国，独立宣言经常为日后之政治性演说所引用，如亚伯拉罕·林肯之堡葛底士堡演说，与马丁·路德·金博士之著名演说《我有一个梦》。独立宣言也激励了人权和公民权宣言，即法国大革命中的根本宣言之一。
世界评价
17、18世纪欧洲启蒙运动的思想家宣扬的天赋人权，社会契约，自由、平等、民主和法制，三权分立等思想原则，成为《独立宣言》的理论来源；英属北美殖民地资本主义经济的发展为《独立宣言》的发表奠定了物质基础；
英属北美殖民地民族民主意识的不断增强，是《独立宣言》发表的内在动力；而独立战争爆发后，争取民族独立成为北美人民的首要任务，在此形势下，《独立宣言》的发表已是人心所向。1776年7月4目，在人民群众的强力推动下，第二届大陆会议通过了由杰斐逊等人起草的《独立宣言》。《独立宣言》的中心思想是宣布美国独立，它深刻地阐述了资产阶级民主主义原则。
第一，平等学说。宣言明确认为平等应包括政治平等和经济平等。这是针对英国殖民者的政治压迫和经济剥削而提出的，虽有空想成分，但具有反封建的革命进步意义。
第二，天赋人权学说。宣言继承并发展了洛克的天赋人权学说，把人们追求幸福的权利明确写入。宣言指出：“人人生而平等，他们都被他们的造物主赋予了某些不可转让的权利，其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。”这一观点提高了人民的地位，承认了个人的尊严，从理论上摧毁了封建专制主义存在的基础。
把人们的自然权利由原来的“财产权利”上升到“追求幸福”这一新的高度上，把促进人民的幸福当成是政府的主要目的，它打破了否定现世生活而把希望寄托在天堂或来世的中世纪宗教观念，这是现代政治理论上的一次重要革命。
第三，主权在民学说。宣言指出：人民是主权者，政府的一切权利来自人民，政府是服从人民意志的，是为了人民幸福和保障人民权利而存在的，即政府的正当权力，系得自被统治者的同意。
第四，人民革命权利学说。宣言写道：“如果遇有任何形式的政府变成损害这些目的的，那么，人民就有权利来改变它或废除它，以建立新的政府。”这说明政府一旦成为祸国殃民的压迫者，人民就有权利发动起义或革命来推翻它。
《独立宣言》发表后，对当时的美国产生了重大的影响。《独立宣言》的全称是《北美十三国联合一致的共同宣言》，宣言宣布各殖民地已是拥有主权的独立国家，从此切断与英国的一切从属关系，这反映了北美广大人民的共同心声。
因此，《独立宣言》的发表极大地动员了一切革命力量，大大鼓舞了北美人民的斗志，成为北美人民争取独立的旗帜，对争取独立战争的胜利起了巨大推动作用。
《独立宣言》也是一篇著名的资产阶级革命文献，它提倡资产阶级的自由、平等和主权在民思想，否定了封建等级制和专制统治，否定英国对殖民地统治的合法性，宣言凝集了北美先进分子的思想，它所体现的革命精神，对独立战争进程具有巨大的鼓舞和指导作用。
《独立宣言》正式向全世界宣告美国脱离英国而独立。这标志着北美独立战争进入一个新的阶段，即把反抗英国殖民统治的武装斗争同争取民族独立的伟大的正义事业联系起来。美国独立日被定为1776年7月4日。
《独立宣言》作为美国立国精神的最重要的文献之一，深深地影响了美国未来的发展。自1776年以来，“人人生而平等”作为美国立国的基本原则，作为人们的信念和理想，一直为后人所传颂。美国正义的社会改革者，在社会的各个历史阶段，不论是为了废除奴隶制、禁止种族隔离或是要提高妇女的地位，都要提到这一理想。
不论在什么地方，当人民向不民主的统治作斗争时，他们就要用《独立宣言》作为最有力的思想和武器，这有力地推动了美国民主化的进程，对美国政治生活产生了经久不衰的影响。宣言体现的民主思想，激励了一代又一代美国人为之奋斗。
参考资料：百度百科-独立宣言
这个《独立宣言》的英语原文哪里有？
The Declaration of Independence of the Thirteen Colonies
In CONGRESS, July 4, 1776
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen United States of America,
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.
Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed.
But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.
Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain [George III] is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained, and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies, without the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them by a mock Trial from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren.
We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.
We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here.
We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence.
They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by the authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare.
That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown,
and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved;
and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce,
and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do.
And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.
The signers of the Declaration represented the new states as follows:
New Hampshire:
Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton
Massachusetts:
John Hancock, Samual Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry
Rhode Island:
Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery
Connecticut:
Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott
New York:
William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris
New Jersey:
Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark
Pennsylvania:
Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross
Delaware:
Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas McKean
Maryland:
Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll of Carrollton
Virginia:
George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jr., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton
North Carolina:
William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn
South Carolina:
Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jr., Thomas Lynch, Jr., Arthur Middleton
Georgia:
Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton
[美] 托马斯.杰非逊
1776年7月4日，美利坚合众国十三州议会一致通过的宣言。
在人类事务发展的过程中，当一个民族必须解除同另一个民族的联系，并按照自然法则和上帝的旨意，以独立平等的身份立于世界列国之林时，出于对人类舆论的尊重，必须把驱使他们独立的原因予以宣布。
我们认为下述真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物主赋予他们若干不可让与的权利，其中包括生存权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。为了保障这些权利，人们才在他们中间建立政府，而政府的正当权利，则是经被统治者同意授予的。任何形式的政府一旦对这些目标的实现起破坏作用时，人民便有权予以更换或废除，以建立一个新的政府。新政府所依据的原则和组织其权利的方式，务使人民认为唯有这样才最有可能使他们获得安全和幸福。若真要审慎的来说，成立多年的政府是不应当由于无关紧要的和一时的原因而予以更换的。过去的一切经验都说明，任何苦难，只要尚能忍受，人类还是情愿忍受，也不想为申冤而废除他们久已习惯了的政府形式。然而，当始终追求同一目标的一系列滥用职权和强取豪夺的行为表明政府企图把人民至于专制暴政之下时，人民就有权也有义务去推翻这样的政府，并为其未来的安全提供新的保障。这就是这些殖民地过去忍受苦难的经过，也是他们现在不得不改变政府制度的原因。当今大不列颠王国的历史，就是屡屡伤害和掠夺这些殖民地的历史，其直接目标就是要在各州之上建立一个独裁暴政。为了证明上述句句属实，现将事实公诸于世，让公正的世人作出评判。
他拒绝批准对公众利益最有益、最必需的法律。
他禁止他的殖民总督批准刻不容缓、极端重要的法律，要不就先行搁置这些法律直至征得他的同意，而这些法律被搁置以后，他又完全置之不理。
他拒绝批准便利大地区人民的其他的法律，除非这些地区的人民情愿放弃自己在自己在立法机构中的代表权；而代表权对人民是无比珍贵的，只有暴君才畏惧它。
他把各州的立法委员召集到一个异乎寻常、极不舒适而有远离他们的档案库的地方去开会，其目的无非是使他们疲惫不堪，被迫就范。
他一再解散各州的众议院，因为后者坚决反对他侵犯人民的权利。
他在解散众议院之后，又长期拒绝另选他人，于是这项不可剥夺的立法权便归由普通人民来行使，致使在这其间各州仍处于外敌入侵和内部骚乱的种种危险之中。
他力图阻止各州增加人口，为此目的，他阻挠外国人入籍法的通过，拒绝批准其他鼓励移民的法律，并提高分配新土地的条件。
他拒绝批准建立司法权利的法律，以阻挠司法的执行。
他迫使法官为了保住任期、薪金的数额和支付而置于他个人意志的支配之下。
他滥设新官署，委派大批官员到这里骚扰我们的人民，吞噬他们的财物。
他在和平时期，未经我们立法机构同意，就在我们中间维持其常备军。
他施加影响，使军队独立于文官政权之外，并凌驾于文官政权之上。
他同他人勾结，把我们置于一种既不符合我们的法规也未经我们法律承认的管辖之下，而且还批准他们炮制的各种伪法案，以便任其在我们中间驻扎大批武装部队；不论这些人对我们各州居民犯下何等严重的谋杀罪，他可用加审判来庇护他们，让他们逍遥法外；他可以切断我们同世界各地的贸易；未经我们同意便向我们强行征税；在许多案件中剥夺我们享有陪审制的权益；以莫须有的罪名把我们押送海外受审；他在一个邻省废除了英国法律的自由制度，在那里建立专制政府，扩大其疆域，使其立即成为一个样板和合适的工具，以便向这里各殖民地推行同样的专制统治；他取消我们的许多特许状，废除我们最珍贵的法律并从根本上改变我们各州政府的形式；他终止我们立法机构行使权力，宣称他们自己拥有在任何情况下为我们制定法律的权力。
他们放弃设在这里的政府，宣称我们已不属他们保护之列，并向我们发动战争。
他在我们的海域里大肆掠夺，蹂躏我们的沿海地区，烧毁我们的城镇，残害我们人民的生命。
他此时正在运送大批外国雇佣兵，来从事其制造死亡、荒凉和暴政的勾当，其残忍与卑劣从一开始就连最野蛮的时代也难以相比，他已完全不配当一个文明国家的元首。
他强迫我们在公海被他们俘虏的同胞拿起武器反对自己的国家，使他们成为残杀自己亲友的刽子手，或使他们死于自己亲友的手下。
他在我们中间煽动内乱，并竭力挑唆残酷无情的印地安蛮子来对付我们边疆的居民，而众所周知，印地安人作战的准则是不分男女老幼、是非曲直，格杀勿论。
在遭受这些压迫的每一阶段，我们都曾以最谦卑的言辞吁请予以纠正。而我们一次又一次的情愿，却只是被报以一次又一次的伤害。
一个君主，其品格被他的每一个只有暴君才干的出的行为所暴露时，就不配君临自由的人民。
我们并不是没有想到我们英国的弟兄。他们的立法机关想把无理的管辖权扩展到我们这里来，我们时常把这个企图通知他们。我们也曾把我们移民来这里和在这里定居的情况告诉他们。我们曾恳求他们天生的正义感和雅量，念在同种同宗的分上，弃绝这些掠夺行为，因为这些掠夺行为难免会使我们之间的关系和来往中断。可他们对这种正义和同宗的呼声也同样充耳不闻。因此，我们不得不宣布脱离他们，以对待世界上其他民族的态度对待他们：同我交战者，就是敌人；同我和好者，即为朋友。
因此我们这些在大陆会议上集会的美利坚合众国的代表们，以各殖民地善良人民的名义，并经他们授权，向世界最高裁判者申诉，说明我们的严重意向，同时郑重宣布：
我们这些联合起来的殖民地现在是，而且按公理也应该是，独立自由的国家；
我们对英国王室效忠的全部义务，我们与大不列颠王国之间大不列颠一切政治联系全部断绝，而且必须断绝。
作为一个独立自由的国家，我们完全有权宣战、缔和、结盟、通商和采取独立国家有权采取的一切行动。
我们坚定地信赖神明上帝的保佑，同时以我们的生命、财产和神圣的名誉彼此宣誓来支持这一宣言。
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〔说明〕
1776年6月7日，大陆会议弗吉尼亚代表提出北美各殖民地脱离英国的决议
案。大陆会议选出托马斯．杰斐逊、约翰．亚当斯和本杰明.富兰克林等人组成的委员会，起草美国的独立宣言。
杰斐逊起草了《独立宣言》的第一稿，富兰克林等人又进行了润色。大陆会议对
此稿又进行了长时间的、激烈的辩论，最终作出了重大的修改。特别是在佐治亚
和卡罗来纳代表们的坚持下，删去了杰斐逊对英王乔治三世允许在殖民地保持奴
隶制和奴隶买卖的有力谴责。这一部分的原文是这样的：
他的人性本身发动了残酷的战争，侵犯了一个从未冒犯过他的远方民族的最神圣
的生存权和自由权；他诱骗他们，并把他们运往另一半球充当奴隶，或使他们惨
死在运送途中。
美国的奴隶制度直到80多年以后的南北战争时期才得到解决。1862年9月22日，林肯总统颁布《解放黑人奴隶宣言》，宣布奴隶获得自由，但范围仅限于叛乱各州的奴隶，却不包括未参与叛乱的几个蓄奴州的奴隶。从法律上真正奴隶制，是在战争结束后的1865年年底。而对有色人种的种族歧视，至今犹存。
《独立宣言》认定的真理“人人生而平等”与奴隶制的得以保护，这对比是如此
的强烈。然而，这就是真正的历史。但是，自1776年以来，“人人生而平等”作为美国立国的基本原则，作为人们的信念和理想，就一直在全世界为人传颂。美国正义的社会改革者们，在各个社会的历史阶段，为了废除奴隶制，为了禁止种族隔离，为了妇女解放，都提到这一理想；而人民在反对不民主、不公正的统治时，也都以此作为最有力的思想武器。
托马斯．杰斐逊（1743-1826），生于弗吉尼亚的一个富裕家庭。曾就读于威廉-
玛丽学院。1767年成为律师，1769年当选为弗吉尼亚下院议院。他积极投身于独立运动之中，并代表弗吉尼亚出席大陆会议。他曾两次当选弗吉尼亚州长。1800
年当选美国总统。
杰斐逊在为自己的墓碑而作的墓志铭中这样写到：
这里埋葬着托马斯．杰斐逊，美国《独立宣言》的作者，弗吉尼亚宗教自由
法规的制定者和弗吉尼亚大学之父。
参考资料：http://www.veryabc.cn/bbs/index.php?s=b5f75e7d12a52992c605145c81f58e90&showtopic=725
谢谢啊!有人知道独立宣言的内容吗?英文更好哈!~~
在有关人类事务的发展过程中，当一个民族必须解除其和另一个民族之间的政治联系，并在世界各国之间依照自然法则和上帝的意旨，接受独立和平等的地位时，出于人类舆论的尊重，必须把他们不得不独立的原因予以宣布。
我们认为下面这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等，造物者赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利，其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。为了保障这些权利，人类才在他们之间建立政府，而政府之正当权力，是经被治理者的同意而产生的。当任何形式的政府对这些目标具破坏作用时，人民便有权力改变或废除它，以建立一个新的政府；其赖以奠基的原则，其组织权力的方式，务使人民认为唯有这样才最可能获得他们的安全和幸福。为了慎重起见，成立多年的政府，是不应当由于轻微和短暂的原因而予以变更的。过去的一切经验也都说明，任何苦难，只要是尚能忍受，人类都宁愿容忍，而无意为了本身的权益便废除他们久已习惯了的政府。但是，当追逐同一目标的一连串滥用职权和强取豪夺发生，证明政府企图把人民置于专制统治之下时，那么人民就有权利，也有义务推翻这个政府，并为他们未来的安全建立新的保障－－这就是这些殖民地过去逆来顺受的情况，也是它们现在不得不改变以前政府制度的原因。当今大不列颠国王的历史，是接连不断的伤天害理和强取豪夺的历史，这些暴行的唯一目标，就是想在这些州建立专制的暴政。为了证明所言属实，现把下列事实向公正的世界宣布－－
他拒绝批准对公众利益最有益、最必要的法律。
他禁止他的总督们批准迫切而极为必要的法律，要不就把这些法律搁置起来暂不生效，等待他的同意；而一旦这些法律被搁置起来，他对它们就完全置之不理。
他拒绝批准便利广大地区人民的其它法律，除非那些人民情愿放弃自己在立法机关中的代表权；但这种权利对他们有无法估量的价值，而且只有暴君才畏惧这种权利。
他把各州立法团体召集到异乎寻常的、极为不便的、远离它们档案库的地方去开会，唯一的目的是使他们疲于奔命，不得不顺从他的意旨。
他一再解散各州的议会，因为它们以无畏的坚毅态度反对他侵犯人民的权利。
他在解散各州议会之后，又长期拒绝另选新议会；但立法权是无法取消的，因此此这项项权力仍由一般人民来行使。其实各州仍然处于危险的境地，既有外来侵略之患，又有发生内乱之忧。
他竭力抑制我们各州增加人口；为此目的，他阻挠外国人入籍法的通过，拒绝批准其它鼓励外国人移居各州的法律，并提高分配新土地的条件。
他拒绝批准建立司法权力的法律，藉以阻挠司法工作的推行。
他把法官的任期、薪金数额和支付，完全置于他个人意志的支配之下
IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776
The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America
hen in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. — That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. — Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refuted his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their Public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the Legislative Powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil Power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefit of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & Perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred. to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these
用英语的自己的词汇rewrite独立宣言。2000分
Carl Becker was a history professor at Cornell in 1922 when he published “The Declaration of Independence; A Study in the History of Political Ideas”. There are several threads combined in his study.
He first reviews the words of the Declaration, expanding on or explaining details. For example he tells of the specific laws and events complained of in the usurpations section. Then he calls attention to two or three ‘omissions’: Congress never referred to the ‘Rights of Englishmen’ as they had done in the 1774 Declarations; and Congress never mentioned Parliament at all, hoping to keep such friends as they felt they had in that body, and avoid the issue of parliamentary authority.
Next he takes some of the unique elements and traces those ideas, at least through the minds of several of the key congressmen. We are shown some letters and quotes from the usually known Jefferson and Adams, but he also goes back into the contributions made by Dickinson, Lee, James Wilson, Sam Adams, and James Otis to the mindset that required separation from England. He traces the origin of the Creator given rights the same way with some attention to European thought and 1765-1776 works of American clergy in both writing and sermons.
Becker then discusses the draft versions, and minor changes in wording that happened before final aproval. He does note that some statements were removed to gain support from some southern delegates. But in general, reviewing each change in wording and tracing individual contributions is just tedious.
Commenting on the success and felicity of the wording, Becker notes that rhetoric teaches us “good rules for writing in general; but Jefferson violated them all, perhaps because he was writing something particular.” In his analysis of the wording, Becker also isolates and restates the primary focus of the Declaration: that Americans had created their governments before but had chosen to retain their alignment with the kingdom, and now were forced to abandon that alignment. Becker puts forward that the final document produced by congress is tighter and more forceful that Jefferson’s draft. He even supports removing the slavery section as an appeal to the heart rather than the mind of the declaration's audfirnce.
His last section describes the contemporary response by loyalists and English supporters. The most inspiring element here is his quote of John Lind which was published in his “Answer to the Declaration”. Lind took many pages to refute the ‘usurpations’ one by one. But he dismissed the main declaration of rights and independence since these sections “put the axe to the root of every government” since in all governments “some one or other of these rights pretended to be unalienable is actually alienated.” Becker also views as a shortfall that the natural rights section was ignored in the U.S. Constitution, and quietly laments the shift of ‘consent of the people’ to a ‘consent of the majority’.
As Becker follows the elements of the Declaration into the nineteenth century, he deals with the retreat from its basis. In order not to have permanent revolutions, conservatives sought to refute or discredit both Rousseau’s Social Contract and Jefferson’s Declaration. The view of rights and government espoused by the Declaration were severely limited in the 19th century
Despite some tedious sections, I can only recommend the overall work as providing a worthwhile snapshot of a point in time during the American Revolution, with some usually overlooked details. These features and the thought provoking view of history’s handling of the Declaration make it important to the student of Liberty.
求一句英语的翻译，是美国独立宣言里的一句话
他在解散各州的议会以后，又长时期地不让人民另行选举；这样，那不可抹杀的“立法权”便又重新回到广大人民的手中，归人民自己来施行了；而这时各州仍然险象环生，外有侵略的威胁，内有动乱的危机。